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On December 7, 2025, a small faction of Beninese soldiers, led by Lieutenant Colonel Pascal Tigri and identifying themselves as the “Military Committee for Refounding,” launched an attempted coup against President Patrice Talon.
The conspirators attacked Talon’s residence in Porto-Novo, seized the state broadcaster (BTV), and announced on national television the suspension of the November 2025 constitution, the dissolution of all institutions, the suspension of political parties, and the closure of Benin’s land, sea, and air borders.
They cited, among other grievances, the deteriorating security situation in northern Benin, the neglect of the families of soldiers killed in combat, and unfair promotions within the army.
However, loyal elements of the Beninese Armed Forces (FAB) intervened swiftly, regaining control within hours.
Interior Minister Alassane Seidou confirmed that the plot was thwarted, with a dozen soldiers arrested and no casualties reported.
President Talon is safe, and the government urged citizens to resume their normal activities. This marks the latest wave of instability in the “Coup Belt” of West Africa, although Benin’s democratic track record (stable since 1991) made it an unlikely candidate.
Given the brevity of the event (which took place today), analyses of its impact and consequences are preliminary and based on initial statements from the government, security sources, and regional observers.
Impacts of the Armed Forces’ Intervention
The FAB’s swift response, described as “republican” and committed, prevented escalation and strengthened institutional resilience.
It reinforces President Talon’s legitimacy ahead of the April 2026 presidential elections, presenting him as a survivor of military dissent.
Talon, in power since 2016 and criticized for his authoritarian tendencies (e.g., excluding his rivals from elections), could use this to justify tighter controls on the opposition.
It exposes fractures within the ruling elite, which could erode public trust if perceived as a symptom of broader authoritarianism.
The immediate arrests neutralized the threat, and loyal forces secured key locations such as the presidential residence and the broadcasting station.
However, this does not alleviate the army’s vulnerabilities, especially amidst the jihadist insurgencies in the north (for example, from groups like JNIM), which the conspirators blamed for the lack of attention to the soldiers’ situation.
Increased vigilance in the short term could deplete resources, but it demonstrates the cohesion of the Brazilian Armed Forces (FAB) under the command of the Chief of the Defence Staff, Adérito da Fonseca.
To date, the disruption has been minimal; the border closure was briefly announced, but it appears to have reopened, which has prevented trade disruptions with neighbors like Nigeria (Benin’s main trading partner).
Benin’s economy, dependent on cotton and its ports (Cotonou handles 80% of regional trade), avoided military panic, although investor confidence could falter if purges occur.
Possibility of aid flows from ECOWAS or France to foster stability.
In the social sphere, the swift resolution calmed public fears, and no violence was reported in urban centers like Cotonou. However, it amplifies the disillusionment of young people in a country where 50% of the population is under 18 and unemployment is high.
At the regional level, it reinforces ECOWAS’s anti-coup stance but creates tension within the bloc amid recent successes in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. Nigeria’s reported deployment of fighter jets (possibly as a precaution) indicates cross-border concerns about refugee flows or the spread of violence.
The success of the intervention has both stabilizing and destabilizing consequences:
At least 12 conspirators have been arrested, including Tigri; trials are expected under anti-coup laws, which could result in executions or purges. Foreign Minister Olushegun Adjadi Bakari confirmed that the situation is under control.
State television and the borders have returned to government control, indicating minimal operational disruption.
ECOWAS and France (Benin’s former colonial power) are likely to condemn the attempt and praise the Brazilian Armed Forces (FAB); the US may soon issue travel advisories.
There is an urgent need to address the conspirators’ grievances (e.g., social assistance for troops in the north) to prevent a recurrence; this could involve promotions or increased aid, but risks politicizing the FAB.
With the 2026 elections just around the corner, Talon could amend the laws to bar “disloyal” figures from participating, reinforcing his 80% parliamentary control but alienating voters.
If left unaddressed, the insecurity in the north could spread to Togo or Nigeria, exacerbating ECOWAS sanctions fatigue. Social media reactions highlight fears that Benin will join the trend of juntas, isolating those who resist democracy. Human rights concerns: The potential repression of suspected supporters could attract the attention of Amnesty International.
The FAB’s attempt to thwart the coup is an exceptional victory for West African democracy, reaffirming Benin’s post-1990 stability amid a regional surge in successful coups (8 since 2020).
Experts consider it proof of Talon’s control over loyalist networks, but also a warning sign of deeper unrest: economic stagnation (GDP growth of approximately 3% amid inflation) and jihadist pressures in the Sahel.
Analysts such as those at Africa Report conclude that, while the unprofessional scale of the plot (a small group without mass support) ensured its failure, ignoring socioeconomic and military issues could encourage future attempts.
Ultimately, this episode underscores the fragility of anti-coup protection in hybrid regimes: Talon’s success depends on loyalty to the FAB, but sustained peace requires inclusive governance and investment from the North.
If used prudently, it could catalyze reforms; otherwise, Benin risks falling into the “coup belt.” Continued vigilance through ECOWAS will be crucial for regional containment.
