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Paul Biya, the world’s oldest acting head of state, is seeking another term today, reluctant to see the Patriarch retire in his fall.

On October 12, 2025, Cameroon will hold presidential elections. Incumbent President Paul Biya, 92, is seeking an eighth term after 43 years in power since 1982.

Biya, the world’s oldest acting head of state, announced his candidacy in July 2025 despite numerous domestic and international calls for his withdrawal due to his age, health problems, and limited public appearances.

He has been largely absent from the country, reportedly residing in Switzerland or France. The elections pit him against a fragmented field of 11 opposition candidates, including former minister Issa Tchiroma Bakary as a surprise challenger, but no unified front has emerged.

Biya’s ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) party dominates state institutions, and observers widely anticipate his victory, which could extend his term until 2032, when he would be 99 years old.

Elections began today amid low expectations for turnout in conflict zones such as Anglophone regions, where separatists have banned participation.

This situation highlights broader debates about democratic backsliding in Africa, where leaders like Biya have dismantled term limits (in 2008) to consolidate power.

Biya’s presidency has generated a combination of relative stability and profound challenges, often described as an “iron rule” that prioritizes regime survival over inclusive development. While his supporters credit him with economic growth and infrastructure, his critics highlight stagnation, corruption, and human rights abuses.

The impacts reflect a regime that has prioritized elite consolidation over overall progress, fostering resentment among urban youth and marginalized groups such as Anglophones.

Public opinion on X (formerly Twitter) echoes this: users denounce Biya’s government as a “curse” for Cameroon, with posts like “God call your tired son, free Africa from this disaster” gaining traction.

Biya’s decision to run again, ignoring calls for his retirement from civil society, opposition leaders like Maurice Kamto (who was barred from running), and even some CPDM allies, amplifies existing tensions.

His minimalist campaign—an October rally featuring AI-generated effigies and videos—has generated backlash, with young people mocking “deepfake” attempts as desperate.

The opposition’s division and the lack of a single candidate against Biya weaken the options, but it boosts marginal figures like Tchiroma, considered by some to represent the “revolt.”

This carries the risk of post-election protests, as in 2018, when more than 100 people died in clashes.
Social and economic tension: In a context of 7% inflation and food insecurity affecting 3.2 million people, the campaign diverts resources, including bribes from the CPDM to observers, reported at 50,000 CFA (approximately $83) each.

In Ambazonia, early voting under military custody highlights disenfranchisement, which could reignite violence.

EU, AU, and Commonwealth observers (led by former Guinean leader Sékouba Konaté) are present, but their reports often criticize without taking action. France’s tacit support (through economic ties) raises accusations of neocolonialism, while calls from the US and UK for “credible” elections carry little weight.

Biya’s fragility raises fears of a power vacuum; there is no clear successor, which could lead to elite infighting or military intervention if he dies in office.

X-posts show growing cynicism—”Cameroonians are doomed” to vote amid fraud—with diaspora campaigns urging a boycott.

Pro-Biya motorcycle taxi demonstrations in Douala contrast with opposition rallies, highlighting divisions between urban and rural areas.

Overall, the candidacy cements the perception of Cameroon as a “personal fiefdom,” eroding trust in institutions and fueling separatist narratives in the English-speaking West.

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